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18 Types Of Sex That Prove Bottoms Deserve More Respect

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Two bottoms don’t make a top.

The "Two Bottoms Don't Make A Top" sex.

The "Two Bottoms Don't Make A Top" sex.

They say that for every top, there's 100 bottoms (I just made that up but it's true), so every bottom has had that moment when they realise someone's got to give up and take the topping responsibility. The horror!

Via unfollowfriday.tumblr.com

The "Hope And Pray" sex.

The "Hope And Pray" sex.

Nobody likes to pre-plan and schedule when they're gonna get it in. But if you're the bottom, there's definitely that "but I haven't douched..." dilemma.

Via dicksplit.tumblr.com

The "Bottom's Worst Nightmare" sex.

The "Bottom's Worst Nightmare" sex.

Sometimes all the hoping and praying in the world just isn't gonna cut it and an accident happens. But hey, if the top has a problem with it then he's probably a piece of shit (I'm here all week folks).

Via giphy.com

The "Going In Dry Will Make Me Cry" sex.

The "Going In Dry Will Make Me Cry" sex.

You could be looser than a wizard's sleeve, but every bottom needs something to help drive that D home. All bottoms knows from experience what it's like to try fucking without lube and nobody's quick to try it again.

ABC


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22 Marriage Proposals That Will Make You Believe In True Love

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Break out the tissues.

Nick thought he and his boyfriend Dominic were getting their caricature drawn in front of Big Ben...

Nick thought he and his boyfriend Dominic were getting their caricature drawn in front of Big Ben...

Krisztian Sipos / Via photoshippy.com

...and when Nick saw what the caricature said...

...and when Nick saw what the caricature said...

Krisztian Sipos / Via photoshippy.com

...he turned around and saw Dominic on one knee right in front of Big Ben!

...he turned around and saw Dominic on one knee right in front of Big Ben!

Talk about dream proposals.

Krisztian Sipos / Via photoshippy.com


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People Keep Vandalizing This City's Pride Crosswalks

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“This is a direct attack on the LGBTQ+ community and specifically the Transgender community.”

Someone has defaced the pride crosswalks in Lethbridge, Alberta's Pride, for the second time in three days — this time with tar and manure.

Someone has defaced the pride crosswalks in Lethbridge, Alberta's Pride, for the second time in three days — this time with tar and manure.

For this year's festival, Lethbridge Pride Fest paid to paint two crosswalks, one with a rainbow and the other with the colours of the trans pride flag. According to organizers, it's the first time the trans flag has been painted on a crosswalk anywhere in the world.

Facebook: levi.cox.100

Then, sometime on Wednesday night, someone covered the rainbow crosswalk with tar and manure, according to Lethbridge police.

Then, sometime on Wednesday night, someone covered the rainbow crosswalk with tar and manure, according to Lethbridge police.

Police are now investigating, but say they have no additional details at this time.

Facebook: levi.cox.100


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Commerce Department Removes Sexual Orientation And Gender Identity From Equal Employment Policy

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Win Mcnamee / Getty Images

The Trump Administration's Department of Commerce has outraged LGBT groups by removing sexual orientation and gender identity from the list of categories explicitly protected from discrimination in its latest equal employment opportunity statement.

After this story was published, the department then said it would re-issue the policy.

"The Department of Commerce does not tolerate behavior, harassment, discrimination or prejudice based on race, color, religion, sex, national origin, age, or disability," read the 2017 Secretarial Policy Statement on Equal Employment Opportunity signed by Secretary Wilbur Ross. "We will also provide reasonable accommodations for applicants and employees with disabilities."

Here's the same section from the 2014 and 2016 statements from President Obama's commerce secretary, Penny Pritzker:

The Department of Commerce does not tolerate discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex (including sexual harassment and pregnancy discrimination), sexual orientation, gender identity, national origin, age (40 years of age and over), genetic information, or disability (physical or mental), including the provision of reasonable accommodations for qualified applicants and employees with disabilities or genetic information

An October 2010 statement from Secretary Gary Locke, Obama's first commerce secretary, also read:

The Department of Commerce does not tolerate discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex (including sexual harassment and pregnancy discrimination), sexual orientation, gender identity, national origin, age (40 years of age and over), genetic information or disability (physical or mental), including the provision of reasonable accommodations for qualified applicants and employees with disabilities.

While the exclusion does not affect the legal rights of LGBT employees at the department, "it makes the employees feel unwelcome," Mara Keisling, executive director of the National Center for Transgender Equality, told BuzzFeed News.

A source told BuzzFeed News the Ross policy statement was circulated to department staff on Thursday.

The new policy statement was uploaded some time in the last 10 days, as an archiving of the website from June 6 shows the 2016 statement.

After this story was published, a Commerce Department spokesperson told BuzzFeed News the policy would be re-issued at Secretary Ross's direction:

To be clear, the Department’s EEO policy statement was never intended to change the policy or exclude any protected categories. The Department of Commerce policy remains that we do not discriminate on the basis of transgender status and sexual orientation. Department employees will continue to enjoy the fullest extent of the protections of all the non-discrimination laws.

EEOC has instructed federal agencies to process complaints of discrimination on the basis of transgender status and sexual orientation under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and through the federal sector EEO complaint process at 29 C.F.R. Part 1614 as claims of sex discrimination.

Secretary Ross has directed the Department to reissue the policy statement to address any concerns and prevent misinterpretation.

The spokesperson did not immediately respond to queries on whether the policy would be re-issued with the two categories expressly included once more or who authored the first policy. The White House did not respond to a request for comment.

Brendan Smialowski / AFP / Getty Images

The Civil Service Reform Act protects many LGBT federal workers from discrimination based on conduct which doesn't affect their professional performance, "which can include sexual orientation or gender identity," according to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC).

In 2014, President Obama also signed an executive order offering explicit nondiscrimination protections based on gender identity to federal workers and banning discrimination in federal contracts for all LGBT people.

Trump's White House said in January that the Obama administration's LGBT protections would "remain intact."

While the Ross policy didn't change protections for LGBT federal workers, it is "bad management," according to Keisling of the National Center for Transgender Equality.

"It is careless bad government," Keisling told BuzzFeed News. "Trans employees are still absolutely covered by sex discrimination laws and sex is listed there. So even if the Trump administration doesn't want to enforce federal civil rights laws we're not going to let them get away with that."

"If I were a manager I'd be really afraid that other managers are going to look at this and think that these are not protected people," Keisling said.

In addition to outlining the internal employment standards at the Commerce Department, the secretarial policy sets a national example for equal employment opportunity policies.

"It sends the message that the federal government doesn't believe in civil rights laws," Keisling said.

David Stacy, government affairs director for the Human Rights Campaign, told BuzzFeed News the omission in the new policy statement was "mean-spirited, deceptive, and irresponsible."

"Cutting specific mention of sexual orientation and gender identity protections is a slap in the face to LGBTQ federal employees who proudly serve at the Department of Commerce and sadly signals that this administration does not value them," Stacy said.

The change also prompted reaction from Democrats, including the House of Representatives' democratic whip, Steny H. Hoyer, who called the decision to change the language of the policy appalling.

"This decision by Secretary Ross sends a signal that LGBT Americans are not welcome at the department he leads," Hoyer said in the statement. "In addition to the injustice of his move, the Secretary ought to reflect on the role of the LGBT community in our economy and the importance of LGBT businesspeople in creating jobs and expanding trade to benefit our country and its workers."

The Democratic National Committee also blasted the Department of Commerce's initial decision to change the policy, despite its decision to ultimately re-insert language that would include LGBT people.

"You can't un-ring a bell," DNC spokesperson Joel Kasnetz said in a statement. "By trying to erase LGBTQ people from the Commerce Department's nondiscrimination policy, the Trump administration sent a crystal clear message to LGBTQ Americans: 'You're not welcome here.'"

The DNC also called on the Trump administration to strengthen protections for LGBT Americans.

Under federal law, employers are required to inform their workers of their right to be free from discrimination in the workplace. The (EEOC) mandates employers provided notices to their employees, which also typically include a company policy statement on equal employment opportunity in employee handbooks, according to the Society for Human Resource Management.

Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 does not expressly include sexual orientation and gender identity, but there is emerging case law that such categories are protected, according to the American Bar Association. "The EEOC and some courts have said that sex discrimination includes discrimination against an applicant or employee who does not conform to traditional gender stereotypes," wrote lawyer Elizabeth Naccarato for the ABA.

Prior to the department's reversal, Stacy had urged the president to direct Ross to restore the old language.

"Yet again, we see the Trump/Pence Administration actively seeking to undermine rights for LGBTQ people," he said.

Hayes Brown contributed to this report.

LINK: Trump Says He'll Uphold Obama's Order Protecting LGBT Federal Workers

LINK: Sexual Orientation Discrimination Is Barred By Existing Law, Federal Commission Rules

These Queens Are Bringing Big Gay Goodness To Canada's East Coast

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Jake & Shaun’s Big Gay Affair

Centre stage in a small theatre in rural Nova Scotia, Jake Chisholm and Shaun McLean are bringing their drag show to a close. Flanked by fellow performers and draped in modest clergy robes, the cast belts their best Cyndi Lauper for a gleeful crowd. The triumphant melody of “Girls Just Wanna Have Fun” hangs in the theatre rafters just long enough for the audience to think the show might be over. But the end doesn’t come, as the performers rip off their robes to reveal a dazzle of glittering dresses, and charge into the crowd for a theatre-wide dance party. Everyone in the audience is on their feet.

This is Jake & Shaun’s Big Gay Affair, the thrilling, touring drag show the two Nova Scotians started in February 2016. The show has since warmed stages and hearts across the province, from New Glasgow to Truro, Wolfville, and beyond. The two-hour show weaves musical numbers between comedy sketches, dramatic skits and video clips. The duo tailor the show for each town, toying with east coast culture, Canadiana, and, of course, drag.

Jake & Shaun’s Big Gay Affair

Chisholm and McLean are cultivating a space for confident and supported expression, a vital resource in rural Pictou County. While the show is an uplifting, educational experience, it’s also an open and safe space for queer people in Nova Scotia to explore their identities. “We’ve always wanted this space to feel very human,” Chisholm says.“We’re having little kids come that identify themselves as gay, lesbian, bisexual, so to have them come and be free, that’s their space to do what they want.”

Jake Chisholm and Shaun McLean.

Provided

For Chisholm and McLean, who both identify as gay, the show’s name is a declaration, an assertion of visibility and existence for the gay community in Pictou County. Liberals are in power in Nova Scotia, but Chisholm says it’s “more of a conservative province,” noting that the show has sparked controversy in rural communities. “They were quite concerned the gays were going to take over,” Chisholm quips. McLean adds that while Pictou County observes Pride, it’s “a board of directors and an organized thing.” Jake & Shaun’s Big Gay Affair is a more routine, accessible presence in the county. Chisholm notes that outside of Halifax, spaces for the LGBTQ+ community in the province are scarce. “Maybe when we go to these small communities, we become that safe gay bar for the evening,” he says.

Chisholm, 22, relocated to Pictou County from Hamilton, Ontario in 2013. But this is McLean’s home turf. Now 58, he’s lived here his whole life, coming out at 18. “I’ve been around a long time,” he says. Naturally, he noticed when Chisholm moved to town. He still remembers the first time he saw Chisholm at an antique store in New Glasgow: “I thought, ‘Oh my god, he’s so beautiful!'” McLean laughs.

Jake & Shaun’s Big Gay Affair

Of all the catalysts that got Jake & Shaun’s Big Gay Affair off the ground, one is particularly Canadian. “I did drag for Halloween as Shania Twain, because she’s my ultimate idol,” Chisholm says. A centrepiece of the show sees Chisholm, in handmade Shania drag, slaying, “Man! I Feel Like A Woman." At the time, for him, it was still merely a costume. When he realized he wanted to do more with it, he turned to McLean, an established presence in the Pictou County arts scene. “I just sent him a message through Facebook saying, ‘I have this idea and I want to partner with you on it.’” McLean was game — he’d previously incorporated drag into his musical shows. Thus was born an explicit celebration of drag and the LGBTQ+ community in rural eastern Canada.

Last year’s attack at Orlando’s Pulse nightclub underscored the dire necessity for safe, representative spaces explicitly for LGBTQ+ people. Jake & Shaun’s Big Gay Affair is one of those spaces.

“For me, to get people talking about the topic, and to see it on the billboard, and on the posters, and all through social media, is really important,” says Chisholm. “It needed to happen.” And in that spirit, the show is more than just sequins and camp.

Jake & Shaun’s Big Gay Affair

Their shows begin in a crucible of dazzling energy and pump-up music before a jolting halt, switching to a sobering video compilation of news clips dating back to the 1950s. “The older ones talk about that it’s wrong to be a homosexual and shock therapy, and the churches saying, ‘burn,’” Chisholm says. “We want to educate people. We have a lot of people that don’t realize the hardships that people have gone through up until now and what we’re still going through.”

Jake & Shaun’s Big Gay Affair

“The next show, I’m going to get an opportunity to share a song I wrote in 1985 at the height of the AIDS epidemic,” adds McLean. “It’s a survivor’s song. I’m really grateful that I’m getting a chance to explain what the song means, and then perform it.”

Chisholm and McLean are also encouraging much-needed good cheer and solidarity, precious resources in Pictou County. McLean notes that the county’s industrial decline has taken its toll on the region’s spirits; a call centre closed in 2015, leaving 200 jobless, while a Michelin plant, which employed 500 people, shuttered the previous year. The downturn has left residents anxious for positivity, giving the show a decidedly utilitarian slant. “There’s all kinds of things to be worried about, so anything that elevates people and makes them forget for a little while is helpful,” he explains.

Above all, Jake & Shaun’s Big Gay Affair is a celebration of the nuances of identity and humanity, an exploration of the greys in between the black-and-white structures of traditionalist society. “We always communicate prior to the show: you come as what you want to be,” Chisholm declares earnestly. “The cast is always there to support them, and give them the motivation and confidence to feel empowered and to feel that they’re good enough, that they can be comfortable in their own skin.”

Jake & Shaun’s Big Gay Affair returns to Glasgow Square Theatre on June 24 for Pictou County Pride Week.

Luke Ottenhof is a freelance writer living in Toronto.

This Is Why We Don't Need "Straight Pride"

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Straight pride? No. I’m not even sorry, just no.

As most of you probably know, June is LGBT Pride Month. It's a big deal for a lot of people and, for the most part, it's a joyous month full of love and togetherness as we celebrate being proud of who we are.

As most of you probably know, June is LGBT Pride Month. It's a big deal for a lot of people and, for the most part, it's a joyous month full of love and togetherness as we celebrate being proud of who we are.

NowThis / Via giphy.com

You want to express your heterosexual pride in the month of June, like it's not represented every other day on TV, in movies, in books, on the goddamn street.

You want to express your heterosexual pride in the month of June, like it's not represented every other day on TV, in movies, in books, on the goddamn street.

Twitter: @Courtneycrs444

"What do straight people got?" Like, do you want a list?

"What do straight people got?" Like, do you want a list?

Twitter: @HausOfRutland


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People In Oregon Will Be Able To Identify As Nonbinary On Their Driver's Licenses

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Oregon DMV

Oregon on Thursday became the first state in the US to allow people to identify as nonbinary on their driver's licenses.

The Oregon Transportation Commission approved a rule change that would add a third option for sex on its ID cards. In addition to M for male and F for female, people will now have the option of X for "not specified."

Transportation Commission member Sean O'Hollaren said that though the process for changing the rule was simple, its impact for nonbinary people was much larger.

"When we request approval on an administrative rule, it just doesn’t do it justice," he said. "It’s fitting that this is before us during pride week in Oregon and pride month around the country."

The rule change comes after the Oregon Department of Motor Vehicles received a court order to change the sex on a resident's driver's license. The DMV had an established process involving court orders to change a person's sex between male or female if they were transgender, DMV administrator Tom McClellan said. But in the June 2016 order, the judge ruled the person should be identified as nonbinary, he said.

"To our knowledge, it was the first court order of its kind in the United States," McClellan said.

Oregon state law requires driver's licenses to include a brief physical description of a person, but it does not explicitly require an identification of male or female. In other states, such as California, a male-female binary is written into state law and requires action by the legislature to be changed. A bill is working its way through the California legislature to add a third option.

The Oregon DMV then held several hearings to get public comment and determine if there would be consequences for other agencies that consider driver's licenses as official identification, such as the state's elections division and police. None of the agencies objected to adding a third option for sex, McClellan said.

On Twitter, Gov. Kate Brown called the rule change "one more step to dismantling institutional bias and creating a more inclusive Oregon."

The change officially goes into effect on July 1, and the DMV will be ready to issue its first new licenses on July 3. Instead of the court orders and formal verification required to change IDs in the past, residents will now select their sex on a form, just as they provide their height and weight.

McClellan added that the third option required the DMV to update its computer systems to allow a letter besides M or F for sex. Other state agencies will similarly need to update their systems.

"It’s not possible for us to identify the full impact of this one character change, but in the end, most agencies decided to implement the change within their existing updating schedules and did not identify any concerns if their update lagged the DMV systems to this data field," he said.

The DMV settled on X and "not specified" to describe a third option based on international standards. Eight countries currently issue passports that allow X to describe gender or sex, McClellan said.

The DMV also determined removing sex entirely from state driver's licenses was beyond the scope of an administrative rule change, he added.

While accepting public comment, Oregonians were for the most part supportive of the change, he said. The DMV recorded 83 responses from residents, and only 12 opposed the rule change.

"While to some, this change may not seem very big, I assure you that it is," one person said. "While this change may not save the world, it will without a doubt save the worlds of those who need it."

Others said they were proud of their state for showing respect to nonbinary people.

"Finally, the actual solution seems simple and brilliant at the same time," one person said. "Rather than trying to create an abbreviation for the growing proliferation of gender labels, DMV went with an 'X.' At least for me, it's important not to have the 'wrong' gender label and this avoids that without requiring me to choose another label. Thank you for making it easy for me."

LINK: California Is Ready To Recognize A Third Gender. Is The Rest Of The Country?

Should Pride Be A Party Or A Protest?

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Zach Gibson / Getty Images

This past Sunday morning in Washington, DC, almost all of the people at the Peet’s Coffee by Logan Circle were decked out in rainbow. It was one of those nice, small moments you come across during any Pride weekend: people in unicorn onesies and multicolored tutus and glittery body paint going about some banal, everyday activity — in this case, ordering coffees and eating their breakfast sandwiches.

One of the few patrons at Peet’s who was dressed unremarkably asked a couple of fully rainbow-fied guys what was going on. “I thought the Pride parade was yesterday,” she said, confused.

“It was,” they explained to her. “Today’s the Equality March.”

She had reason to be a little puzzled. The people gearing up that morning for the Equality March, a mass protest planned to address LGBT persecution and discrimination, did look very much like the Pride revelers from the day before (same onesies, same tutus, same body paint, same knee-high rainbow socks) — except many now carried protest signs that have become ubiquitous on American streets in the wake of Donald Trump’s election.

LGBT people and supporters take part in the Equality March for Unity in Washington, DC, on June 11, 2017.

Andrew Caballero-reynolds / AFP / Getty Images

Back in January, according to the Washington Blade, a 42-year-old Brooklyn resident named David Bruinooge was at home watching the Women’s March on Washington unfold on television when he was inspired to create a Facebook event for a gay spinoff march during Pride weekend in DC. As Bruinooge started conversations with organizers at the Capital Pride Alliance, who run DC’s Pride activities, his Facebook event page — originally titled Gays on the Mall — was renamed the National Pride March, before eventually becoming the Equality March for Unity and Pride. The updated event page quickly attracted over 150,000 people interested in participating, tens of thousands of whom would show up to march on June 11.

Over the past few months, the event ballooned into an international grassroots movement endorsed by virtually every major LGBT advocacy group. As more people got involved, and more cities signed on for sister marches, Bruinooge was joined by 11 other queer and trans national co-chairs representing those in the LGBT community who have been “actively silenced and neglected.” At the same time, the Equality March’s place in the Pride weekend lineup has grown steadily more fraught. According to Catalina Velasquez, one of the national co-chairs and a senior director at Casa Ruby, the Equality March was not really intended to be a Pride event at all.

“There’s lot of collective trauma — lots of folks in the community who don’t feel particularly represented,” she told me over the phone, a week before the event would kick off. “What can you celebrate when you’re still fighting to breathe and walk unapologetically in your truth?”

“What can you celebrate when you’re still fighting to breathe and walk unapologetically in your truth?”

While Velasquez said that she and the other national co-chairs were “working with Capital Pride to build synergy,” the march would be its own separate event, one that would not rely on corporate sponsorships, in order to foreground “people, not organizations.”

Queer joy has always had a radical role to play in the face of institutional violence and neglect. From the ballroom scene to the basements of dyke bars, queer people have carved out their own spaces for community-building and celebration in spite of a world that has refused to make room for them. But now, when rights for middle- and upper-class white, cisgender gay men and women seem much more assured than those of the community’s most marginalized members (including trans women of color), some LGBT people are asking whether we have much to collectively celebrate, and questioning the role that Pride events could, or should, play in the larger political #resistance movement. Protesters demanding an end to corporate pinkwashing and police involvement in Pride events have been disrupting Pride parades from Phoenix to DC, while some cities have decided to do away with Pride parades altogether — like in Los Angeles, where organizers ditched the corporate floats and replaced them with a #ResistMarch.

Two years after the Supreme Court’s historic marriage equality decision and barely five months into Donald Trump’s presidency, the national LGBT movement is grappling with whether Pride should be a party or a protest, and whether it could possibly be both. And Washington’s Equality March, billed as an international call to arms on behalf of the queer and trans people who have been left behind by the mainstream gay rights movement — an event technically separate from Pride, but smack dab in the middle of a Pride weekend — put those questions to the test.

Corporate sponsorships of Pride parades have long been a sore spot for many queer people. The first Pride march in New York City, in 1970, marked the first anniversary of the Stonewall riots, an uprising led by trans women of color like Sylvia Rivera and Marsha P. Johnson in response to a 1969 police raid on the historically queer Stonewall Inn. But over the years, as (white, cis, safely domesticated) queer people have become more easily assimilated into the mainstream, Pride events started to become less explicitly about rising up against oppression and more about joy, visibility, affirmation, and celebration in the face of that oppression — which had started lessening for some, but certainly not for all. Plus, Pride marches turned parades eventually became advertising opportunities for liquor brands, hotels, and banks, whose big, flashy floats make their way down Pride parade routes in cities around the country every year, alongside the oftentimes more modest floats of LGBT nonprofits and community organizations.

The Marriott float in this year's Capital Pride Parade on June 10, 2017.

Paul Morigi / Getty Images

This year in DC was no exception. The Capital Pride Alliance produces one of the largest Pride events in the country, which includes a parade, festival, and concert. On Saturday, the day before the Equality March, Washington's official Pride Parade kicked off from Dupont Circle, featuring thousands of marchers representing groups that ranged from McDonald’s to the local Star Wars costume community. It was a beautiful late afternoon, and the mood was light and cheery as spectators caught branded stress balls and sunglasses tossed down to them by people dancing on the sponsored floats. But the parade was interrupted — not once, but three times — by an ad-hoc collection of local organizers going under the name No Justice No Pride.

“We came together specifically to address Capital Pride and its exclusion of queer and trans people of color,” Ntebo Mokuena, one of the action participants, told me. No Justice No Pride targeted three floats in the parade: the Metropolitan Police Department, according to Mokuena, because of “policing and police brutality” that disproportionately affects queer and trans people of color; Lockheed Martin, a defense contractor, for manufacturing “drones, jets, and different weapons that are used against black and brown people here and abroad”; and Wells Fargo, for “participating in Native genocide” due to its involvement in the Dakota Access Pipeline, as well as its predatory lending practices targeting people of color.

No Justice No Pride protesters at the Capital Pride Parade.

Paul Morigi / Getty Images

“Mainstream liberal queer and trans folks want to whitewash our history,” Mokuena said. “I think it’s really important that marginalized voices are lifted up and not ignored — it’s the responsibility of organizations with power and money to elevate our voices. We’re following in the footsteps of all of the amazing trans people of color who fought for us in the late ’60s.”

Mokuena was a part of the group that waited at the intersection of 18th and P to blockade the Wells Fargo float, where they successfully forced the parade to reroute. “One person on the Wells Fargo float was curious what was happening — they said they didn’t even work there – and they joined us and started chanting with us,” she said. About a hundred or so people participated in the blockades, and hundreds more joined the group in a pre-parade march.

But not everyone was happy with the disruptions. Though many on social media supported #NoJusticeNoPride, there were others online who were furious at the “far left for blaming fellow progressives for their woes.” At the event itself, protesters were booed and yelled at by spectators who were unhappy with the parade’s delays, one of whom (according to Zack Ford, a reporter at Think Progress) started shouting, “Fuck you for ruining a nice parade!” before attempting to start a counter-chant of “No respect, no pride,” which did not catch on.

After the parade was rerouted, Mokuena said she and the other protesters waited while the protest leaders spoke with the police and with Capital Pride officials. “One of the Capital Pride organizers called one of our lead organizers a terrorist and said, ‘We don’t organize with terrorists."

No Justice No Pride protesters disrupt the Capital Pride Parade.

Paul Morigi / Getty Images

A spokesperson for Capital Pride, Cathy Renna, confirmed that yes, “that was said by a board member. And it is absolutely unacceptable and it is being addressed.” Renna, who has worked in LGBT advocacy and communications for 25 years, said that the Capital Pride protests started a “firestorm” in Washington’s queer community “unlike anything I’ve seen before. And it’s heartbreaking to watch.”

“We know our community is not immune to sexism — I’ve experienced it myself — or racism, or classism, or transphobia,” she added. “There are issues in our community we should all be working on, and Capital Pride should be working on it. But I’m not sure how much this really helps the discussion.”

“Mainstream liberal queer and trans folks want to whitewash our history."

The thorny subjects of corporate sponsorships and the inclusion of police and the military in Pride events “are not new issues — we’ve been talking about these issues forever,” Renna said. But she argues there are two sides to the coin.

“The politicians are not gonna do anything for us, especially now. But even over the last several decades, we still don’t have workplace protections. It was corporations who said we are going to protect our employees, who took money out of North Carolina after HB2.” Since she figures we’re stuck with a capitalist society for the foreseeable future, “Do we work with folks to make them more responsible businesses, or do we completely reject them? Do we work with LGBT liaisons at police forces so the abuse we’ve seen happen slows or stops? This is really, at the end of the day, about tactics.”

“And this isn’t just about Capital Pride, or just about Pride,” she said. “It’s about our whole movement. And not even the LGBT movement, but the progressive movement. We’re all struggling with this.”

On Sunday morning, in the wake of Saturday’s parade and protests, tens of thousands of people poured into downtown Washington in the blazing heat for the Equality March, dressed in their Pride-meets-Resistance best. On I Street and 17th, the slowly gathering crowds buzzed excitedly as block after block filled up. The energy was slow to build; it was 10 a.m. on the morning after a major Pride night, and more than a few people were nursing hangovers, chugging Gatorade. There were Pride flags galore, a smattering of trans flags, and friend groups that had come wearing matching shirts. (“I’m totally straight,” written in bubble letters exploding with stars and glitter, was a popular one.)

Equality March participants outside the White House.

Andrew Caballero-reynolds / AFP / Getty Images

The only thing that made the scene look different than your typical Pride event were the signs, hoisted as far as the eye could see. According to national co-chair Catalina Velasquez, the Equality March was not technically, or at least not exclusively, an anti-Trump protest — but you might think otherwise based on the event itself, which was a veritable sea of anti-Trump protest signs (“Resign, sweetie”; “Fags hate Trump” in the style of the Westboro Baptist Church’s “God hates fags”; seemingly endless Drag Race references).

“Trans people have been murdered, and this is not new,” said Velasquez. “We’re fighting for the opportunities to make our pain public.” Chalking all of the LGBT community’s issues up to Trump would “not be helpful to communities facing violence prior to him.” Of course, Valasquez added, the Equality March was intended be “a sign of resistance to current bigoted messages and strategies” from this administration. “But we would be remiss not to mention that the previous administration deported the largest number of people in the history of the United States.”

The Equality March’s official platform is wide-ranging, covering everything from disability rights to indigenous/two-spirit rights to reproductive and racial justice. People marched on Sunday for reasons that ran the gamut. On some people’s minds: love and marriage.

“This isn’t just about Capital Pride, or just about Pride. It’s about our whole movement."

Many queer people were worried immediately after the election that the administration could potentially overturn marriage equality — some even rushing to get married before the inauguration — but that possibility remains extremely unlikely. Last fall Trump said he was “fine” with the Supreme Court’s marriage decision, calling it “settled law.” Regardless, the LGBT movement’s extraordinarily successful campaign for marriage equality — which was cemented in part by the 2017 Equality March’s predecessor, the National Equality March in 2009 — has continued to build momentum even now, two years after the Supreme Court’s decision. Love and marriage have always been some of the LGBT movement’s most lucrative selling points.

“Love Wins” and “Love Is Love,” slogans popularized by the fight for marriage, have now become synonymous with the LGBT rights movement. Those slogans were everywhere on Sunday, along with the newer, more cross-movement “Love Trumps Hate.” And even though same-sex couples across the nation won the right to marry two years ago, many were marching to make sure that right remained protected.

"Love Is Love" signs were abundant at the Equality March.

Carolyn Kaster / AP


When You're Done With Season 5 Of "Orange Is The New Black" You Can Read This

Hollywood Is Confused About What Really Counts As Progress

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Harry Belafonte and Joan Fontaine in Island In The Sun, 1957.

Fox / Kobal / REX / Shutterstock

On August 17, 1957, the New York Times ran a photo of dozens of Ku Klux Klan members picketing a movie theatre in Jacksonville, Florida. Dressed in hoods and robes, with the neon lights illuminating their white costumes in the night, they marched by the popular downtown theater — unmasked. The occasion was the premiere of Island in the Sun, a film by Robert Rossen that had attracted significant media attention even before its release, because of a single, one-second kiss between actors Dorothy Dandridge and John Justin — more of a nuzzle, really. Or, as the New York Times wrote, because the cast “includes two Negroes, Harry Belafonte and Dorothy Dandridge, and part of the plot concerns them in romantic involvements with white persons.”

When the film reached North Carolina several weeks later, it put to rest any illusion of this being an isolated incident. A group of Klansmen paraded in front of the Visulite Theatre in Charlotte in broad daylight, carrying signs that read: “We protest the showing of this integrated film ‘Island in the Sun’ in N.C.” In North Carolina, too, the Klansmen went unmasked.

This month marks the 60th anniversary of Island’s release on June 12, 1957 — as well as the 50th anniversary of Loving v. Virginia, the 1967 Supreme Court ruling that would declare all race-based bans on marriage unconstitutional, 10 years after Island’s premiere. Though the response to Island at the time made much of its interracial “romantic involvements,” these scenes in truth were brief, and packaged in a way that minimized imagined threats to white supremacy. But in 1957, in a cultural context that held segregation as a rule rather than an exception, even the most timid endorsements of romance between black and white characters were boundary-breaking. Making the movie was a real display of courage.

In contrast, a recent series of “tiny moments” in big movies, which have generated a lot of hype for only a little representation, show that it's much harder for a feature film to really earn the designation of being landmark or boundary-breaking in 2017. Beauty and the Beast and The Power Rangers, two of the year's big-budget, mainstream films, have been lauded as groundbreaking for their inclusion of a male-male dance scene and a queer Ranger, respectively. But both are in fact just taking small steps to decenter the white male bias that rules most blockbusters (and society). Furtive glances, clever allusions, and sometimes a little bit more went a lot further in 1957, as a way of grappling with taboos and pushing against entrenched, aggressive attitudes — even if contained to a few seconds. But in 2017, a two-second scene of LGBT representation in Beauty and the Beast does not quite achieve the same effect.

Dorothy Dandridge and John Justin in Island in the Sun.

20th Century Fox

Prejudice in the United States has become much less visible since Island in the Sun was released — if not necessarily less present. Racism, sexism, and homophobia are alive and well, but there are no longer laws to prohibit interracial marriage, and the KKK does not physically bar patrons from accessing movie theaters. Filmmakers are generally not threatened with censorship, violence, or legal repercussions.

Some high-profile movies certainly do reflect and engage with that decades-long shift in cultural norms: This year, for example, Jordan Peele’s Get Out brilliantly continued (an commented on) the long struggle to cinematically depict black-white interracial dating, while in Loving we got a feature-length depiction of the eponymous Supreme Court case. Smaller productions have taken advantage of the right to free expression to explore a much larger spectrum of stories than was possible 60 years ago — from features like Moonlight and Wexford Plaza to documentaries like I Am Not Your Negro. And this month, Wonder Woman debuted as the first enormous (and enormously successful) superhero blockbuster both starring and directed by a woman.

Little gestures and second-long kisses are no longer enough to truly challenge the assumptions or prejudices of most of the moviegoing public.

But even in the absence of explicit social or legal strictures on representing perspectives and experiences outside the straight white norm onscreen, most big Hollywood movies still safely confine themselves to it. Representation remains structurally flawed, and the stories of anyone but straight white men are often either missing or invoked through stereotypes. Many big films that are notable for one kind of representation — starring (white) women — often rely on the othering of racialized characters for comedic effect.

This hasn’t stopped Hollywood from celebrating itself, and being celebrated, for tiny moments of representation, or from spinning many movies as more daring than they actually are. The industry’s self-indulgence was on full display recently in its infatuation with La La Land, a musical romance starring two hugely popular white actors that somehow managed to generate a PR narrative as a risk-taking, game-changing underdog of a movie in the same Oscars season as Barry Jenkins’ eventual Best Picture winner Moonlight, which featured a largely unknown cast in the beautiful coming-of-age story of a gay black man. And this exaggerated pat-on-the-back attitude toward mainstream Hollywood productions, as BuzzFeed News' Alison Willmore recently suggested, does more harm than good.

Many people still feel invisible in popular culture, and the pain of that extends far beyond the screen. Little gestures and second-long kisses are no longer enough to truly challenge the assumptions or prejudices of most of the moviegoing public. And so the project now — for both audiences and artists — is to find a way to genuinely embrace incremental change without losing sight of the fact that real representation deserves and demands so much more.

George Clooney accepts his Supporting Actor Oscar for Syriana (left) and Jake Gyllenhaal and Heath Ledger in Brokeback Mountain.

Michael Caulfield Archive / WireImage / Focus Films / Everett Collection

We certainly cannot rely on the most powerful people in Hollywood to tell us when celebrations are in order. When George Clooney won an Oscar in 2006 for his supporting role in Syriana, for example, he used his time onstage to congratulate the Academy on its progressivism:

"I would say that, you know, we are a little bit out of touch in Hollywood every once in a while, I think. It's probably a good thing. We're the ones who talked about AIDS when it was just being whispered, and we talked about civil rights when it wasn't really popular. And we, you know, we bring up subjects, we are the ones — this Academy, this group of people gave Hattie McDaniel an Oscar in 1939 when blacks were still sitting in the backs of theaters. I'm proud to be a part of this Academy, proud to be part of this community, and proud to be out of touch."

The irony of what might be called his Hollywood savior complex was multilayered. He had just beaten Jake Gyllenhaal for Gyllenhaal’s role in Brokeback Mountain as “half of one of the screen’s most precedent-setting couples,” in presenter Nicole Kidman’s words. Clooney, on the other hand, played a CIA operative dispatched to guard US oil interests against Chinese competitors and Middle Eastern terrorists. From the vantage point of 2017 and the past two years' #OscarsSoWhite campaigns, his victory doesn’t register as particularly progressive — and it didn’t at the time, either.

As Spike Lee said of his reference to McDaniel, “To use that as an example of how progressive Hollywood is is ridiculous. Hattie McDaniel played MAMMY in Gone With the Wind. That film was basically saying that the wrong side won the Civil War and that black people should still be enslaved.” Exactly how “out of touch” Hollywood still was became obvious again just two years later, when Robert Downey Jr. was nominated for an Oscar in the same category for his role, in blackface, in Tropic Thunder.

A pretty small fraction of the many people in Hollywood who fancy themselves progressive are actually creating or greenlighting films that clearly reflect those attitudes in their content or casting.

It’s tempting to read the kind of self-congratulation that surfaced in Clooney’s speech as betraying an industry-wide insecurity that it is not enough to focus exclusively on “merely” entertaining. Beginning in Hollywood’s Golden Age, when the industry governed itself via a production code (1930–1967), executives had — or at least said they had — something bigger in mind. “Motion picture producers know that the motion picture within its own field of entertainment may be directly responsible for spiritual or moral progress, for higher types of social life, and for much correct thinking,” the code’s preamble held.

This noble goal in reality led to numerous restrictions on filmmakers. But many actors and directors today still do want to contribute, change society for the better, or at least create something more lasting than two hours of fun. And this translates into the much-publicized idea of Hollywood as generally politically progressive, much to the ire of people like Sarah Palin, Tim Allen, and Donald Trump. Allen went as far as saying that Hollywood “is like ’30s Germany,” while Trump notoriously went after Meryl Streep when she criticized his xenophobic and ableist rhetoric at this year’s Golden Globes.

In fact, a pretty small fraction of the many people in Hollywood who fancy themselves progressive are actually creating or greenlighting films that clearly reflect those attitudes in their content or casting. Only 7% of mainstream films managed to meet what the Annenberg Foundation calls racial/ethnic balance, an approximation of national population demographics in its casting practices. The number of Hollywood films featuring diverse casts is not increasing, per the popular narrative, but decreasing.

But for every representative of the studio system who acknowledges that there’s a lot of work to be done, there’s a proud defender of Hollywood’s supposed enlightenment. Lionsgate Co-President Erik Feig applauded his company for making many “left-of center decisions,” citing La La Land, The Hunger Games, Twilight, and “a Tyler Perry comedy” as examples of “unconventional bets” the studio took. Those movies may be left of center, but they’re still not very far from it.

Christian Bale in Exodus: Gods and Kings (top) and Scarlett Johansson as The Major in Ghost in the Shell.

20th Century Fox / Courtesy Everett Collection / Jasin Boland

How Indie Movies And Fanfic Helped Me Learn How To Be A Lesbian

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One of the worst Sundays of my life was in 1999. I was 14, so my low spirits that morning had nothing to do with a hangover — at least not the alcohol-related kind. I often woke up with this sense of gloom. Later that day, as she did most weekends, my mother took me to a video store so we could rent anything I wanted to watch. I loved the ritual of going there to look for a story that would be about me, something that would speak to me about myself.

I had kept myself from asking why kissing boys didn’t feel the same way for me as it felt for Christina Ricci in Now and Then, even though I was so much like her otherwise.

When you know something inside you doesn’t agree with the world around you, fiction becomes the straw you grasp at to try to understand why — and to understand yourself. Until that Sunday, my lifesavers had been female characters who were mainstream, but closer to the margins of the norm: Princess Leia leading the rebels in a galaxy far, far away, or Geena Davis as Morgan Adams at the helm of a pirate ship in Cutthroat Island. Both lived through a thousand adventures and wielded their own swords against anyone who tried to keep them from following their dreams. Then there was Mary Stuart Masterson in Fried Green Tomatoes, acting like a boy, and later like a man. Her ~friendship~ with Mary-Louise Parker sparked an intense curiosity in me, since it showed a relationship that came quite close to representing my deepest desires.

It was during that Sunday visit to the video store that Hilary Swank, the essential tomboy, with her short hair and pronounced jawline, called to me from the sepia-tinted cover of Boys Don’t Cry. She chose me. I handed the box to my mother, who took it to the cashier, and we went home.

That night my parents went out, and sitting on our couch, I experienced one of the most excruciating instances of hopelessness in my life. I cried for two hours after the credits rolled, and I didn’t have the slightest idea where all my sadness was coming from. This story of a transgender man, filmed in harsh, artificial light, was not, strictly speaking, about me. For years I had been completely shutting out the part of my life that was touched by that movie, just as I had kept myself from asking why kissing boys didn’t feel the same way for me as it felt for Christina Ricci in Now and Then, even though I was so much like her otherwise.

Marcos Chamizo/BuzzFeed

It was then, in my mid-teens, that my existential lifesavers began to deflate at an ever-increasing pace. Indie movies linked being anything other than cisgender and straight with violent death. The socially acceptable models of funny gay people I saw on TV — flawed and stereotyped as they were — were always male. I did not know how to swim in the world as I was; someone had to teach me, and the simple act of staying afloat was beginning to turn into draining work.

I was raised, more or less successfully, to behave like a girl as our society defines it. I learned how boys were supposed to act by watching my older brother. But what happens when you grow out of that pink and blue segregated childhood, and into the age where people expect you to be interested in the opposite sex? What do you do when inside your head, in your dreams, in the imaginary pictures you make up before you go to sleep, happiness means holding hands with or kissing another girl? If nobody else did this, not the people around me or the characters in the books I read, and if my Sunday movies never ended the way my fantasies did, then something must have been wrong. I must have been secretly flawed in some way, though nobody knew it.

Indie movies linked being anything other than cisgender and straight with violent death.

Let’s agree that being a teenager isn’t easy for anyone, not even Regina George or Taylor Swift. But for typical white, heterosexual, Western 15-year-olds, there are manuals and models on every corner. They can turn to fiction to broaden their horizons, or simply construct their identities using everything they see around them, building from the outside in. And if everything goes according to plan, they may later decide to try the process in reverse, questioning the validity of all they’ve been taught to believe. But when you have no cultural images to relate to — and certainly no positive ones — loneliness and agony prevent you from constructing a self. The only option is thrashing around to keep yourself from drowning.

Anesthetized by my teenage habit of avoiding my own feelings, I searched for models of queer life in the only places I knew. Without an internet connection, this meant the library or the video store. Usually the result was the same: tragedy, like in Lost and Delirious, and the death of Willow’s girlfriend Tara in Buffy the Vampire Slayer, which even magic couldn’t prevent. Most gay characters, and TV hosts, looked like caricatures, and they were almost always men. The more flamboyant they were, the less seriously they were treated; sometimes they were even made to look like buffoons.

Was it always going to be that way? Would I be condemned to a sterile existence, never able to live my own life in full color, pressed to escape from who I really was? Nobody put a hand on my shoulder or gave me the comforting hug that would say that everything was going to be all right, that I deserved as much happiness as everyone else.

Marcos Chamizo/BuzzFeed

Luckily, two years after I bawled over Boys Don’t Cry, things changed — and of course, that change came in the form of a movie. It was at the same video store, after the same search through the indie section, and with my mother again paying for the rental. Fucking Åmål — a film about a romantic relationship between two teen girls in small-town Sweden, released in the US as Show Me Love — showed me the light. Seeing characters just like me validated my identity and made me realize that what was happening to me in my small town might be happening to many others in many other places. And even though the road was tough, it had a happy ending. But the most important thing I learned from watching it was that if there was one story like that, there had to be more. Though nobody was sharing them with me, or maybe I was not able to find them, I was now certain that they existed.

My next gulp of air came at 17, at the precise moment my mother connected our house to the internet. Long before Facebook and Instagram, in 2002, there was Fotolog, a photo-sharing platform popular with Spanish speakers. There I found a true community through forums, YouTube links, and personal blogs populated by people much more courageous and daring than I was. The internet became as important to me as my everyday reality — it was my escape route, my oxygen tank. It provided perspective and gave me confidence that one day, the screen I was interacting with would turn into friends made of real flesh.

More than anything else, it was online fanfiction that helped me start truly cementing my present self. The genre draws ridicule to this day despite having generated such mainstream (and toxic) works as Fifty Shades of Grey. This kind of literature — and I wouldn’t think of calling it anything else — does exactly the same thing I did every night when I went to bed and conjured a world of my own, where I could let myself live on the margins of reality and what it had to offer me.

Fanfic transforms what exists into what its audience really needs to read.

Fanfic transforms what exists into what its audience really needs to read, letting readers look for identifying features, for guidance, and for doors that open up new places to explore and experience. Sometimes its authors continue stories that have already been written; other times they create crossovers between different series or transplant characters. As you might expect, my reading centered around the category of fanfiction known as “saffic,” which features lesbians as the main characters. Their sexual orientation may be already established, but if it isn’t, the magic of fiction makes them turn to sapphic love without a second thought. Reading these stories made me think, Hey, I want that! The feeling couldn’t have been more removed from my Sunday afternoon spent crying on the couch.

There was fanfic that mixed characters from video games, like Super Mario Bros. and Zelda, to cater to gamer types. And there was even fanfic with characters from Spain, where I lived. I remember the first time I read one of these stories — it was one of the incredible amount of fanfics written about Silvia and Pepa from Paco's Men, a series that I hadn’t watched and never would, even though I could re-enact any scene centered around the two of them. The geographical proximity of these lesbian characters to my own life was what, at last, brought me toward the reality that I had for some years already been experiencing.

As I grew older, I got out of the habit of reading fanfic. But sometimes I still think about looking up Camren stories, the fics that ship Camila Cabello and Lauren Jauregui from Fifth Harmony. Sometimes I linger over Instagram, looking through posts where fans have tagged the Spanish social media power couple Dulceida and Alba, inventing their own futures for them. I still remember the fanfics that turned Buffy and Faith from Buffy the Vampire Slayer into the hottest couple I had ever seen. Reading them enriched my experience with the series (which I am sure, though it put Willow and Tara together, could not have hinted at a lesbian relationship for the protagonist). There they were: two self-reliant teenagers, fearless leaders saving the world, with the sense of humor that I wanted and needed for myself. And on top of everything, they got it on and were very happy.

In 2016, at the age of 30, 17 years after my first dose of reality in Boys Don’t Cry, I saw a lesbian story with a happy ending on the big screen for the first time. Carol is an adaptation of The Price of Salt, a 1952 novel recognized as the first major queer work of fiction without a tragic ending, for which the author Patricia Highsmith received many letters of thanks. Sixty-four years after the book’s publication, the majority of society is ready to understand that stories don't have to be about male-female couples to be full of passion and inspiration. We are ready to realize that even though heterosexuality is the most common mode of existence, it is not the only one — and certainly not the only way of finding fulfillment as an individual or as a couple. We are ready to see that queer characters should not be caricatures or stereotypes of themselves. We are ready to understand that we need stories that celebrate diversity rather than stigmatizing it, because in small towns (and big cities) around the world, there are still people who are wary of pursuing real-life queer experiences for fear they will bring agonizing results.

What we owe queer young people is more visible, accessible, and normative spaces, more role models they can relate to — role models they can’t find in their schools, in their families, or among friends — to use as guides who can help them learn how to be themselves.

This post was translated from Spanish.

This Is What The LGBT Community In San Francisco Looked Like In The '70s

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Castro Street Fair in August 1976.

Daniel Nicoletta

During the early 1970s, photographer Daniel Nicoletta made his way to California as a teenager in search of something more than what his home in Utica, New York, had to offer. By the mid-1970s, he landed a job at a San Francisco camera store owned by Harvey Milk and his partner Scott Smith. Under their direction, Nicoletta developed his talent as a photographer by documenting the vibrant LGBT community of San Francisco and finding himself on forefront of a transformative era for LGBT civil rights.

A new book, LGBT: San Francisco, brings together over 40 years of Nicoletta's attentive work documenting the LGBT civil rights movement from the 1970s to present day. To learn more about his life's work and new book, BuzzFeed News spoke with Nicoletta about the significance of the era and his own personal experiences as a young gay man navigating his new home.

I grew up in Utica, New York, and I moved west for college around the age of 18. That was my first time in California, it was an entirely new experience for me. College was the vehicle for getting there, but I don’t know if it was the main reason I decided to move. I had dreamed about going to California ever since I was a little kid, but this was the first time I stepped foot in the state.

At that point my identity was evolving and Utica was very traditional. I was really attempting to move as far away from home as I could, even though the people there had been somewhat supportive of me. And the minute I got to California I knew — I said, oh yeah, this is where I’m going to spend the rest of my life.

Reveler (left) poses before a moving art piece by artist Violet Ray at the Castro Street Fair in 1975. Harmodius and Hoti at the Castro Street Fair in August 1975.

Daniel Nicoletta

SF LGBT Pride, June 24, 1990.

Daniel Nicoletta

Anne Kronenberg driving newly elected Supervisor Harvey Milk in the San Francisco Pride parade, 1978.

Daniel Nicoletta

To be honest, when I first arrived in California I was pretty naive. I was interested in art, but completely devoid of politics. I came from a very tentative place — dare I even say, a clueless place. So arriving in San Francisco was really a wake-up call for me. From that point, my political identity just flowered.

One of the great things about working under Harvey Milk and his lover Scott Smith was that they always encouraged me to develop my own path. There was never this sort of "you must register voters, you must vote." Instead it was a melting pot of creativity, and that was a really beautiful template for me.

I think for me the '70s in San Francisco was a good place to have your rite of passage in terms of forming your identity — a sexual identity and also a political ideation. It was incredibly ebullient there because people of all ages, but especially young people like me, were having such an exuberant time.

When the LGBT community started migrating to San Francisco, there was an incredible push for visibility, in part as a reaction to the adversarial side. The opposition were the ones that took it to the ballot box and we responded in kind. Sometimes these revolutionary moments are actually good for the movement even though they’re painful in the process.

December Wright (middle) and friends at the Castro Street Fair, August,1976.

Daniel Nicoletta

Harvey Milk as a Ringling Bros. and Barnum & Bailey clown on May 21, 1978 (left). Halloween on Polk Street, Oct. 31, 1976 (right).

Daniel Nicoletta

Harry Britt and friends campaign along with Harvey Milk during the second campaign, circa 1976.

Photo By Daniel Nicoletta

San Francisco has a maverick history that goes all the way back to the gold rush. It really is a place for outsiders to go. It’s place where individualism is celebrated. So in the 1970s, we came to a place where this form of thinking had already been formalized. That’s a very attractive thing — from people getting out of the military in the '50s to the hippies coming to San Francisco in the '60s. That’s quite some synergy.

Doris Fish in her play Blonde Sin, June 26, 1980.

Daniel Nicoletta

I also think a lot of people mistakenly mark the 1970s as the genesis of the movement. That's understandable but inaccurate, because there was a [gay] movement that emanated from the '50s, so it's a disservice to not acknowledge that as the authentic genesis. Then, of course, there’s even more history in other countries.

Still, breakthrough moment did occur in the 1970s; that’s undoubtedly true, but it was built on the backs of those people who did very dangerous work in the '50s and '60s. In the '70s, [the movement] became an idea whose time had come in terms of culture in the society that was reimagining itself. In that sense, it was a watershed moment beyond our control. We were challenged in the ballot box, and here we are today.

So fast-forward to the book: You'll see it’s really a look back on those beginnings and how the complexities evolved. And that really takes us into the contemporary realm — there are a couple of photos in there that address some of the hot-button issues of today. In the spirit of journalism, I wanted to carry it forward in that way. Rather than simply putting together a nostalgic piece, these pictures show that the journey is not over.

The Club Chaos and Klubstitute float in the San Francisco Pride parade, June
25, 1989.

Daniel Nicoletta


"Harvey Milk Lives" graffiti on Castro Street, May 22, 1978.

Daniel Nicoletta

Robert Morgan (left) as David Hockney during the San Francisco Pride parade, 1982. Castro Street Fair, 1977.

Daniel Nicoletta

Harvey Milk in front of his Castro Street camera store, circa 1977.

Daniel Nicoletta

To learn more about Daniel Nicoletta's work and purchase LGBT: San Francisco, visit reelartpress.com.

Here's How A Teacher Showed His LGBT Pride In A Photo With Trump

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“I knew I had to be myself.”

Meet Nikos Giannopoulos, Rhode Island's 2017 Teacher of the Year.

Meet Nikos Giannopoulos, Rhode Island's 2017 Teacher of the Year.

Giannopoulos, left, with his partner.

Facebook

Giannopoulos is a special education teacher at the Beacon Charter High School for The Arts, and also advocates for LGBT youth in the Department of Education.

In April, Giannopoulos and the other Teachers of the Year went to the White House to meet President Trump.

"I didn’t know how welcome I’d be as an openly queer person in the White House," Giannopoulos told BuzzFeed News. "So I knew I had to be myself and represent myself, and I didn’t know what the reaction to that would be."

So, Giannopoulos wore an outfit that he said "represents the people that mean the most to me and who I am very authentically."

So, Giannopoulos wore an outfit that he said "represents the people that mean the most to me and who I am very authentically."

Nikos Giannopoulos

The outfit included a rainbow pin to represent the LGBTQ community, and an anchor necklace as a symbol for Rhode Island.

"[Anchors] refer back to our state motto, which is 'Hope,' based on the verse ‘Hope is the anchor of the soul,’" he said. "And I thought that was relevant to any marginalized population."

But what really stood out was his black lace fan, which Giannopoulos said is his signature accessory.

"I like to have it around as a quick accessory for a little bit of pizzazz, a little bit of sass," he said.

When he met the president and first lady briefly in the Oval Office for a photo, Giannopoulos said Trump complimented his style and the fan "which was nice, I guess."


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We Asked Gay Dads (And Their Kids) What They’re Thankful For This Father’s Day

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“I’m thankful that 14-year-old me, who thought that coming out of the closet would mean a lonely life, was proven wrong!”

Father's Day is a time to show appreciation for that very special man in your life — or, in some cases, both the special men in your life.

Father's Day is a time to show appreciation for that very special man in your life — or, in some cases, both the special men in your life.

Czarny_bez / Getty Images

Here's what the dads (and a few of their kids) had to say:

"We are thankful for our beautiful daughter who came into our lives and showed us the meaning of unconditional love."

"We are thankful for our beautiful daughter who came into our lives and showed us the meaning of unconditional love."

Nick, 43, and Chris, 30, Padien-Hill, with their daughter Ari from Chicago, Illinois.

What is your favorite thing about being a dad?

Nick: Knowing that I’m responsible for my daughter’s health and happiness and being there to help her along the way as she uncovers all that this world has to offer.

Chris: Family has always been such an important thing to me, and my favorite thing about being a new dad is being able to soak up all the many milestones that occur in the first year and start forming our own little family traditions. I love that when my daughter sees my face in the morning she lets out the most contagious smile, and Nick will tell you I get entirely too much joy out of picking out her outfits!

What do you want people to know about your family?

Nick: We are a fun, caring, loving spontaneous family. We love just like any other family. We have ups and downs just like any other family but continue to love each other through it all.

Chris: I would just want people to know that although we may not be your typical family, we are held together with love and laughter. We are very loyal and there to support each other through the good days, bad days, and everything in between.

Provided to BuzzFeed


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8 Stories From Two-Dad Families On Their Experiences With Parental Leave

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“It was the hardest time of our lives and you need each other, you need that time.”

For gay, bi, and trans dads who may already have a long journey to fatherhood, trying to arrange paternity leave can be an added stress.

For gay, bi, and trans dads who may already have a long journey to fatherhood, trying to arrange paternity leave can be an added stress.

The US is one of a handful of nations that doesn't mandate paid parental leave — and when employers do provide these benefits, new dads are often left out. Adoptive parents of any gender often get less leave than a parent who gives birth.

Under a federal law called the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA), employers over a certain size have to offer new parents 12 weeks of unpaid job-protected leave — though not all employees qualify. New Jersey, California, and Rhode Island provide paid leave.

Juanmonino / Getty Images

"I don't know how parents who don't have this luxury are able to take their very small children to a daycare right away."

"I don't know how parents who don't have this luxury are able to take their very small children to a daycare right away."

Ryan: "I was given up to 12 weeks of leave at 60% of my salary. I only chose to take 6 weeks because that was all we could afford financially. We were lucky to have my mother-in-law come for two months following my leave.

Marc: "I took 1 week of fully paid leave. Ryan stayed home with Liam following my week."

"Spending time with Liam following his birth was essential for us all to adjust to our new reality. We would have loved to take more time — in fact, our Polish friends were shocked to find out this wasn't an automatic benefit. Sadly, it wasn't possible for us. It was difficult to go back to work, but we were very fortunate to have Marc's mom live with us for two months following Ryan's FMLA. I don't know how parents who don't have this luxury are able to take their very small children to a daycare right away."

— Ryan, 38, hotel sales and Mark, 35, HR for an oil and gas company

instagram.com

"My conversation with my new boss went something like, 'I know when you hired me you didn't think I would get pregnant, but my husband and I have been matched for adoption and instead of 9 months, the baby's due date is in three months.'"

"My conversation with my new boss went something like, 'I know when you hired me you didn't think I would get pregnant, but my husband and I have been matched for adoption and instead of 9 months, the baby's due date is in three months.'"

"As it turns out, we beat the odds and were matched with a couple in Florida for adoption just three months into my new job. My conversation with my new boss went something like, 'I know when you hired me you didn't think I would get pregnant, but my husband and I have been matched for adoption and instead of 9 months, the baby's due date is in three months.' The organization had over 50 employees and so was required by the state of Philadelphia — where the organization had its headquarters — to provide six weeks of paternity leave.

Mike used a combination of vacation and sick leave that he accrued over a long time to cover the period where he was home.

Today our son is good natured three-year-old, with a larger than average vocabulary, who seems well-adjusted and adaptable to each new challenge. Mike and I credit a lot of this to the daily time and attention we've given him since birth, ensuring he feels loved and nurtured."

—"DJ" Johnson, 39, Nonprofit Vice-President and Mike Stirratt, 47, Federal Government Program Officer, Washington, DC

Provided to BuzzFeed


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33 Random AF Things That Turn People On

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From sushi boats to Ikea furniture, here are the unusual things that get people going.

But the fact is that what ~gets you going~ can totally differ from person to person. And you don't really hear too much about the more off-the-beaten-path stuff that puts people in the mood.

So, we asked the BuzzFeed Community to share what uncommon and surprising things turn them on. Here’s the super-specific stuff they had to say (and to be clear, we're talking about stuff being done by/between consenting adults):

Diapers

Diapers

"Diapers. And also the thought of someone changing my diaper, like wiping down there with a baby wipe and patting on baby powder."

—23/Male/Straight

Laboko / Getty Images

Sushi boats

Sushi boats

"I think it's because it's like an aphrodisiac to me. I have dreams of being Samantha from Sex in the City in the scene where she's covered in sushi."

danaw45e5b5df3

instagram.com / Via Instagram: @eastbynortheast_mtk

Toothbrushes

Toothbrushes

"It's mostly by vibrating ones, and usually if I hear one buzzing while a family member uses it. It's mainly because I use them to masturbate, so the sound puts me in the 'right' mindset."

—18/Female/Straight

Ivanmollov / Getty Images


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Scuffles Between Police And Nationalists Break Out At Ukrainian Gay Pride Parade

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Genya Savilov / AFP / Getty Images

Scuffles broke out between police and anti-LGBT nationalist protesters at a gay pride parade in Kiev on Sunday.

Two officers were injured in confrontations with right-wing "ultranationalists" demonstrators, hundreds of whom showed up to hassle parade attendees and burn a rainbow flag, ABC reported. Six people were arrested.

Sergei Supinsky / AFP / Getty Images


Despite the protests, the parade was bright, celebratory, and full of dancing — as pride parades are wont to be. It was attended by around 2,500 people, Kiev police told press.

Despite the protests, the parade was bright, celebratory, and full of dancing — as pride parades are wont to be. It was attended by around 2,500 people, Kiev police told press.

Valentyn Ogirenko / Reuters

The parade was first held after a pro-Western government came to power in Ukraine, and is now in its fourth year. Such events had previously been censured by the country's pro-Russia government, which tended to align with Moscow's stance on social issues, including limiting LGBT rights.

The parade was first held after a pro-Western government came to power in Ukraine, and is now in its fourth year. Such events had previously been censured by the country's pro-Russia government, which tended to align with Moscow's stance on social issues, including limiting LGBT rights.

Genya Savilov / AFP / Getty Images

One of the groups which organized the anti-LGBT protest, Right Sector, publicly warned pride attendees and police on Saturday that they would ensure the parade was a "bloodbath." But despite the flag-burning, the group's attempt to incite violence against paraders was seemingly unsuccessful, resulting only in a fracas with police.

A 2015 pride parade ended in clashes and violence between attendees and anti-LGBT protesters, as nationalists threw lit flares and smoke grenades at police.

A 2015 pride parade ended in clashes and violence between attendees and anti-LGBT protesters, as nationalists threw lit flares and smoke grenades at police.

Sergei Supinsky / AFP / Getty Images


Sergei Supinsky / AFP / Getty Images

This year, the Kiev police increased officer numbers and surrounded the marchers, protecting them from the protesters' attempts at violence. It seems to have worked.

This year, the Kiev police increased officer numbers and surrounded the marchers, protecting them from the protesters' attempts at violence. It seems to have worked.

Efrem Lukatsky / AP

Sergei Supinsky / AFP / Getty Images

The parade had a safer and more celebratory tone than in previous years, NPR reported. This was partially due to the increased police presence, but also has to do with a recent, liberal-leaning shift in Ukrainian social policy.

"This is more than just pride," one of the parade organizers, Maxim Erastavi, told NPR. "This is a big political event for so many countries in the region that is trying to escape the colonial orbit of Russia, and move back to the European family."

Genya Savilov / AFP / Getty Images

Genya Savilov / AFP / Getty Images

Genya Savilov / AFP / Getty Images


This Is What It Looks Like To Celebrate Pride All Around The World

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São Paulo, Brazil

São Paulo, Brazil

Miguel Schincariol / AFP / Getty Images

Revellers take part in the 21st Gay Pride Parade, whose theme is 'Secular State', in Sao Paulo, Brazil on June 18, 2017.

Miguel Schincariol / AFP / Getty Images

Miguel Schincariol / AFP / Getty Images

Thessaloniki, northern Greece

Thessaloniki, northern Greece

A woman peers through a banner during the 6th annual Gay Pride march in Thessaloniki, northern Greece, on June 17, 2017.

Sakis Mitrolidis / AFP / Getty Images

A woman carries a placard and balloon during the 6th annual Gay Pride march in Thessaloniki, northern Greece, on June 17, 2017.

Sakis Mitrolidis / AFP / Getty Images

Vienna, Austria

Vienna, Austria

Participants of the 'Regenbogenparade' (Rainbow Parade) march in Vienna, Austria, are pictured on June 17, 2017.

Alex Halada / AFP / Getty Images

Alex Halada / AFP / Getty Images

Los Angeles, California

Los Angeles, California

RuPaul speaks at the LA Pride ResistMarch on June 11, 2017 in West Hollywood, California.

Chelsea Guglielmino / Getty Images

Robyn Beck / AFP / Getty Images

People march in the #ResistMarch during the 47th annual LA Pride Festival on June 11, 2017, in the Hollywood section of Los Angeles and West Hollywood, California.

David Mcnew / Getty Images

Washington, D.C.

Washington, D.C.

Demonstrators carry rainbow flags past the White House during the Equality March for Unity and Peace on June 11, 2017 in Washington, D.C.

Zach Gibson / Getty Images

A man holds up a sign near the Capitol as LGBT members and their supporters take part of the Equality March for Unity & Pride parade in Washington DC, June 11, 2017.

Andrew Caballero-reynolds / AFP / Getty Images

Zach Gibson / Getty Images

Rome, Italy

Rome, Italy

A reveler poses in front of the Coliseum during the Gay Pride Parade in Rome on June 10, 2017.

Filippo Monteforte / AFP / Getty Images

An Italian firefighter marches with activists during a Gay Pride Parade

Filippo Monteforte / AFP / Getty Images

Zagreb, Croatia

Zagreb, Croatia

Revelers march during the 16th Gay Pride Parade in downtown Zagreb on June 10, 2017.

Str / AFP / Getty Images

Str / AFP / Getty Images

Sofia, Bulgaria

Sofia, Bulgaria

People take part in the annual Gay Pride Parade in central Sofia on June 10, 2017.

Nikolay Doychinov / AFP / Getty Images

Stoyan Nenov / Reuters

People march as they take part in the annual Gay Pride Parade in central Sofia on June 10, 2017.

Nikolay Doychinov / AFP / Getty Images

Tel Aviv, Israel

Tel Aviv, Israel

Tens of thousands of revelers from Israel and abroad packed the streets of Tel Aviv for the city's annual Gay Pride march, billed as the Middle East's biggest.

Jack Guez / AFP / Getty Images

Amir Cohen / Reuters

Jack Guez / AFP / Getty Images

Athens, Greece

Athens, Greece

A participant takes part in a gay pride parade in Athens, Greece June 10, 2017.

Costas Baltas / Reuters

A participant takes part in a gay pride parade in Athens, Greece June 10, 2017.

Costas Baltas / Reuters

Brussels, Belgium

Brussels, Belgium

A participant smokes as he takes part in the annual Belgian LGBT Pride Parade in central Brussels, Belgium May 20, 2017.

Eric Vidal / Reuters

A passerby looks at two girls kissing each other during the annual Belgian LGBT Pride Parade in central Brussels, Belgium May 20, 2017.

Eric Vidal / Reuters

Tokyo, Japan

Tokyo, Japan

People march in the Tokyo Rainbow Pride parade in Tokyo on May 7, 2017.
About 6000 people participated in the march, which aims to show support for members of the LGBT community.

Kazuhiro Nogi / AFP / Getty Images

People march in the Tokyo Rainbow Pride parade in Tokyo on May 7, 2017.
About 6000 people participated in the march, which aims to show support for members of the LGBT community.

Kazuhiro Nogi / AFP / Getty Images

Strasbourg, France

Strasbourg, France

A participant displays a placard which translates as 'I eat Pussy not animals' as she and others pass by during the 16th local edition of the homosexual, bisexual and transgender visibility march, Gay Pride, in the eastern French city of Strasbourg on June 10, 2017.

Patrick Hertzog / AFP / Getty Images

Patrick Hertzog / AFP / Getty Images

Kiev, Ukraine

Kiev, Ukraine

More than two thousand people took part in Kiev's gay pride event amid a heavy police presence as nationalist protesters tried to halt the event and burned a rainbow flag.

Genya Savilov / AFP / Getty Images

Ultra-nationalists battle with policemen as they try to prevent Kiev's gay pride event on June 18, 2017 in Kiev.

Sergei Supinsky / AFP / Getty Images

Participants wave the gay rights movement's rainbow flags in central Kiev during the LGBT Equality march on June 18, 2017.

Genya Savilov / AFP / Getty Images

Lisbon, Portugal

Lisbon, Portugal

A couple wrapped in a rainbow flag kiss eachother during the gay pride parade in Lisbon on June 17, 2017.

Patricia De Melo Moreira / AFP / Getty Images

Participants dance ontop of a float as they take part in the gay pride parade in Lisbon on June 17, 2017.

Patricia De Melo Moreira / AFP / Getty Images

A woman wrapped in a rainbow flag takes part in the gay pride parade in Lisbon on June 17, 2017.

Patricia De Melo Moreira / AFP / Getty Images

Bucharest, Romania

Bucharest, Romania

People takes part in the Bucharest Pride march on May 20, 2017.
Around 2,000 people gathered to celebrate diversity and to express their support for LGBT's community rights.

Daniel Mihailescu / AFP / Getty Images

Daniel Mihailescu / AFP / Getty Images

Daniel Mihailescu / AFP / Getty Images

This post will continue to be updated with new images as more cities around the globe host their own Pride celebrations.

A Married Transgender Woman Fighting For A New Birth Certificate Won The Backing Of The UN

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Chris Hondros / Getty Images

Australian laws barring married transgender people from changing the sex on their birth certificate are in violation of international human rights law, a United Nations committee has declared.

In a decision made on March 17 and published on June 15, the UN Human Rights Committee found in favour of a married transgender woman from New South Wales, Australia, who had tried unsuccessfully on multiple occasions to change the sex on her birth certificate.

The laws preventing her from doing so violate the rights outlined in articles 17 and 26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the committee found.

It is a significant ruling for Australia, where in six of the eight states and territories married transgender people must divorce from their spouse if they want to change the sex listed on their birth certificate.

The woman, referred to only as G, was born in 1974 and started hormone therapy for gender transition in 2000. In 2002 she changed her name to G on various ID documents and in 2005 had gender affirmation surgery.

In September 2005 she married a woman. But the marriage meant that when, four months later, G tried to change the sex on her birth certificate, she was unsuccessful.

In order to change the sex on a birth certificate in NSW, a person must be over 18, have had their birth registered in NSW, undergone gender affirmation surgery and be unmarried. G fits the first three criteria, but not the last.

She first applied for a birth certificate change of sex in January 2006 but was rejected two days later. Second and third attempts in October 2008 and July 2010 met a similar fate.

The NSW Births, Deaths and Marriages Registry wrote to G in July 2010 saying she had to be unmarried in order to change the certificate.

Service NSW / Via service.nsw.gov.au

But as G told the UN committee, she is in "a loving relationship with her spouse and does not intend to apply for a divorce".

In its ruling the UN committee said there was "no apparent reason" to deny G her birth certificate change, and identified a number of inconsistencies presented by Australian law around marriage and gender transition.

"The author was validly married in Australia," the decision read. "Following her gender reassignment, she lawfully has been issued passports designating her as female and changed her name on, inter alia, her birth certificate, passport, driver’s licence, and medicare card.

"It is also uncontested that as a result of her gender reassignment, the author has lived on a day to day basis in a loving, married relationship with a female spouse that [Australia] has recognised in all respects as valid. There is no apparent reason for refusing to conform the author’s birth certificate to this lawful reality."

The committee directed Australia to provide G with a birth certificate marked female, to revise the law to stop this happening to transgender people in the future, and to respond to the ruling by December 15, 2017.

Australia has ratified the ICCPR and must respond to the decision – but it is not compelled to actually change the law.

Bulent Kilic / AFP / Getty Images

NSW, Western Australia, Queensland, Tasmania, Victoria and the Northern Territory require married transgender people to divorce from their spouse if they want to change the sex listed on their birth certificate.

The Australian Capital Territory nixed the divorce requirement in 2008 and South Australia followed in 2016 – coincidentally, on the same day a vote on similar legislation proposed by the Victorian government failed.

BuzzFeed News understands the federal government is currently consulting with the NSW government about the UN committee decision and expects to provide a response by the requested date.

NSW attorney-general Mark Speakman told BuzzFeed News that changing the sex on your birth certificate could void the marriage anyway, given same-sex marriage is not legal in Australia.

"The effect for a married person of amending the sex recorded on the register from that recorded at birth, and the subsequent issuing of a new birth certificate, may be the marriage itself being voided," he said.

"This result may apply notwithstanding the legal position in any state or territory."

The UN committee said it was unclear why changed birth certificates are, and changed passports are not, a threat to the Marriage Act.

"The state party has not provided any explanation why a change in sex on a birth certificate would result in irreconcilable and unacceptable conflict with the Marriage Act if the author remains married, whereas a change in sex on her passport in identical circumstances is allowed," the decision read.

It also questioned why it was in Australia's interests to allow conflicting identity documents "that are not consistent with the actual personal situation".

S-c-s / Getty Images

Sally Goldner, the director of Transgender Victoria, told BuzzFeed News that having mismatching documentation can present risks in privacy, safety and employment.

The psychological impact of having the correct documentation is also significant, Goldner said. When she recently travelled overseas for the first time in two decades, her passport turned up with an "F" on it.

"I didn't realise until I saw it how affirming that was," she said. "It's practical, but it's much deeper than that. I don't know if other people [who are not transgender] can appreciate that."

Goldner added that it was "sad" that the woman had to seek redress from the UN.

"Most of our governments and parliaments are just so disrespectful to trans and gender diverse people," she said. "It's certainly a decision that gives a lot of momentum, but the onus is on the remaining governments to take action."

How Popular Are Your "RuPaul's Drag Race" Season 9 Opinions?

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More importantly, who should take the crown?

Word of warning: If you aren't up to date with this season, you might want to walk away now because there are spoilers ahead!

Word of warning: If you aren't up to date with this season, you might want to walk away now because there are spoilers ahead!

VH1

Got it? OK good, let's get started!

Got it? OK good, let's get started!

VH1


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